Marxist Kun-Faya-Kun of 1979
in Iran
Sam Ghandchi
http://www.ghandchi.com/4507-kon-faya-kun-english.htm
کن فیکون مارکسیستی سال 57 در ایران
http://www.ghandchi.com/4507-kon-faya-kun.htm
P.S. 01/27/24: Today for the first time after many years the translation of this article from Persian to English, using Google Translate, is being published. BTW this translation is directly from google and has not been edited yet! SG
P.S. 04/07/22: If you are studying Marx's writing under the title 'Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right,' reading the following article can be interesting for you. The following article was first published 14 years ago under the title 'The Promise of Religious Fundamentalism: Heaven on Earth and in Heaven;' but, unfortunately, I never found the time to translate it into English, otherwise it could be used for English-speaking readers alongside the treatise 'Marxist Thought and Monism.' S.G.
P.S. 04/16/16: This article was also published in the third issue of the quarterly Giti Madari of the Secular Democratic Party of Iran and in the Secular Democracy Movement of Iran magazine, the links of which are given below:
http://www.ghandchi.com/GitimadariNo3.pdf#page=14
http://isdmovement.com/2017/0417/040717/040717.Sam-Ghandchi-Marxists-Armageddon.htm
TThe achievement of Islamic fundamentalists in Iran is an
event that has been called by terms such as the 1957 revolution, uprising, riot,
rebellion, and the like, but it can be boldly expressed with the phrase "Marxist
fiction." Why "Marxist?" Because Marx's idea of revolution, as he put forward
in "Criticism of Hegel's Philosophy of Law", is very different from Kant's point
of view (1), and it is like the term "Ken Fikon" in the Qur'an, during which
everything seems to be turned upside down. be, That too according to what God of
the Qur'an says. Apparently, it is surprising how the Islamic fundamentalists
were able to push Iran, which was previously transformed by the constitutional
revolution with modern demands, into a historical regression seventy years
later, by bringing to power a government far more regressive than the Qajar
monarchy. But to understand what happened, we should not be satisfied with what
happened in the reactionary revolution of 1357 in Iran and why, which has been
discussed in detail for years (2), but it is necessary to focus on the
development of "Ken Fikon". In other words, a more fundamental question is
raised, that is, what are the characteristics of fundamentalist religious
movements in the modern world?
The religious fundamentalism movement of the last half century is nothing but a
continuation of the Marxist movement, not necessarily the movement itself, but
the way that movement views the world. This term does not mean a metaphor or
cliché, nor the opinions of some anti-communist conservatives who talk about the
union of black and red reaction because they are hostile to the justice-seeking
goals of the communist movement. At all, this writing has nothing to do with the
discussions that see Ando as connected due to the formal similarities between
the two religious and Marxist movements. The discussion is another matter, I
hope that narrow-minded readers, instead of assuming that they know what the
discussion is about, read this article carefully despite its length.
Let's look at one of the first works of Karl Marx entitled "Criticism of Hegel's
Philosophy of Law", which is where the historical movement criticized in this
article begins. It is interesting that in the same work, Marx makes the
strongest attack on religion and Marx's famous sentence that religion is the
opium of the masses is quoted from his writings. It is as if he knew that what
he puts forward there can also become the theoretical base of a kind of
religious fundamentalism. And by announcing religion as the opium of the masses,
he has already separated himself from religious fundamentalism. Maybe Marx never
imagined that such an event with a religious flag could happen a century and a
half after him, and that after a century of the rise and fall of Marxist
communism; But despite this, he still separated himself from the religious "Ken
Ficon" and in his later works, although rarely, when he refers to such movements
against the development of bourgeois democracy, for example, in Britain, he
calls them social feudalism. Basically, Marx does not talk about religion after
the book "Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Rights" because he said the last
word right there when he said that religion is the justification of all human
hardships in the world of fantasy, and Marxist communism is his goal to
eliminate all those hardships. In the material world, he declares. As a result,
from his point of view, with the destruction of the base of those fantasies,
there will be no need for religion to be a problem anymore. And even today, it
should be said that in a century and a half after Marx, politics in the West was
basically secular, no one goes to the priest of any religion for illness,
although religions are still discussed in the realm of metaphysics (3).Even in
the ethics of human society, in determining good and bad, modern societies have
abandoned moral virtue as a criterion for human judgment and have accepted Hume
and Kant's model, which sets the *rights* of humans and *not* their virtue as a
criterion, which In the judicial system of advanced societies, the paradigm is
dominant (4), meaning that what is called the durability of religion in the last
150 years, after Marx's era, is in the fields of metaphysics and to some extent
ethics, and clearly the growth of religion was in charitable institutions. which
is not the subject of Marx's thought and Rorty has explained it well (5). As far
as Marx's view on religion is concerned, as mentioned, the issue of economic
justice is of interest to him, who says that religion means the justification of
all human hardships in the fantasy world. The reason for referring to Marx's
opinion about the field of metaphysics and ethics here is just to emphasize that
not addressing those issues does not change the discussion of this article, as a
result of examining Marx's criticism of Hegel's philosophy of rights in the
framework of his plan for the communist future. , We continue.
In "Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Rights," Marx declares the role of the
modern state to fulfill the interests of the wealthy classes and sees all the
philosophy of human rights as the justification for this oppression that is
inflicted on the poor, although he separates himself from the religious and
promises heaven on earth. The paradise promised by Marx is the communism that
the poor will create, which Marx later in the book "The Holy Family" clearly
declares the task of creating it as the task of the new working class, which by
destroying its own class, will destroy the entire class society (6). It is
surprising how Marx's physicalist thought was able to grow so much in the common
world for a century and a half that at the height of the Soviet Union, half of
the world was in its territory, while never in history did atheistic ideas grow
among the general public. They haven't had much. The reason lies in the fact
that Marx did two things in his critique of Hegel's philosophy of law. One is
the complete support of materialism and the second is the assignment of a great
mission to the working class, which promised the destruction of the domination
of the wealthy classes and the promise of a classless society. The existing
state was no longer the arbiter of the fledgling civil society, as Hegel's view,
but the state representative of the bourgeois class was declared. As a result,
the government that, following the current order, had the task of guiding
humanity to the promised paradise of a classless society, it didn't matter what
kind of government it was, because it was also going to disappear from the scene
later. If for anarchists, the state should be destroyed immediately, for Marx,
the state played the role of the midwife of the new classless society, which
would later itself be destroyed in the new world, and for this reason, Marxists,
unlike liberals, did not spend time on the development and progress of state
structures. They limited themselves to announcing the characteristics of the
modern state, which they consider to be a bourgeois dictatorship. In fact, 40
years after criticizing Hegel's philosophy of rights, Marx and Engels clearly
defended the dictatorship of the proletariat in their critique of the Gotha
program. That is, it is important that this captain of the ship of humanity
brings us to the promised paradise of a classless society, and it is not
important that this midwife is a full-fledged dictatorial system. As a result,
they did not hesitate to use the term "dictatorship" of the proletariat to
describe that transitional government. In other words, this captain needs to be
a dictator so that the old bourgeois society cannot return this ship to the old
society, that is, the role of our midwife is more important in bringing us into
the new world than making this journey from the old world. In what way did the
utopia achieve, democratic or autocratic! In this way, Marx laid the foundation
of communist tyranny in criticizing Hegel's philosophy of rights. If Hume and
Kant in modern philosophy separated the discussion of rights from the virtues of
ancient philosophers such as Plato, and the structure of modern governments
after the American and French revolutions based on the modern view, more and
more related to codifying legislation, implementing laws, And judgment was
defined around human rights (7), for the Hegelian movement, even these views
were raised in relation to the nascent civil society, and the government
performed the role of guardian of human rights through codified laws. And he
played a role as an arbitrator in the dispute of economic interests in the civil
society. But suddenly, the Marxist trend separated itself not only from that
modern view of the state as an arbiter, but also from the whole philosophy and
called Hegel's philosophy the justification of the state. In this way, Marxist
communism was created with the promise of heaven on earth in "Criticism of
Hegel's Philosophy of Rights" and after that, Marxism first looked for cases in
history that had formed a utopia similar to this model for the promise of heaven
on earth. For example, in the history of Germany in the 15th century, Engels
found the short reign of Muenzer as an example of this type. Later, Marx and
Engels talked for a long time about the experience of the Paris Commune in 1870.
However, the communists' promise of heaven on earth was still more in the realm
of imagination.
In the more democratic countries of Europe, to the extent that the demands of
the labor movement were raised in economic, social and political fields, those
rights were obtained in the same proportion, and basically, in these countries,
the dream of utopia never became the focus of any movement for which Marxist
communism was the panacea. It can be imagined. But in more backward countries it
was a different story. Even to this day, the people of these countries are
willing to sacrifice their lives, property, wealth, and everything for the goals
promised by a utopia, but the cost, at least for the goals of civil and
individual rights, is hardly met. As a result, it did not take long for the
Marxist utopia to find its main platform in the more backward countries With his
extraordinary organizational skill, Nin was able to succeed in implementing the
communist programs that, due to the height of injustice, tyranny, and
backwardness in Russia, more and more prepared the ground for trying to create a
utopia, and thus the Bolshevik Revolution was formed. , and finally, in the
Soviet Union, the first serious crystallization of these promises, the "Marxist
Paradise" became a reality. With the victory of the Bolshevik revolution, those
who believed in these promises of heaven on earth gained a lot of power. Every
person who suffered from any injustice anywhere in the world, when he learned
that such a paradise was built on earth in the Soviet Union, he became
fascinated by it, and wanted to reach that paradise, and the owners of this
paradise also said that we are on the way to reach it. We will show it to
you.Marxist literature was spread all over the world by the Soviets. Lenin's
works were translated into different languages. But with the first
discouragement from communism after Stalin's party purges, the Trotskyists were
among the first to break away from the ship, saying that the promises were
misunderstood and that socialism in one country was meaningless, and they wanted
to implement their true socialism. As a result, they were the first important
stream that questioned the Soviet Union from the point of view of the purity of
early Marxist ideas and declared the existing reality of Stalin's communism as a
deviation.For this reason, Stalin tried to prove to them that he was the most
orthodox and wrote the history of the Bolshevik Party, where he was portrayed as
the hero of true orthodoxy alongside Lenin, and became the model that the Soviet
leaders propagated. It established the pure Marxism of Marx, Engels and Lenin in
half of the world.
In the 1960s, the Maoists became the most important current against Soviet
communism. Many who had learned more about the reality of the Soviet hell after
Khrushchev's famous speech about Stalin, made a new utopia from China's heaven,
which became a great force in the world at that time. The extreme communist
currents sided more and more with Maoism. After some time, like the Soviet
Union, which had become more developed, China showed all the realities of modern
societies. The world of party leaders who had wealth and villas and excellent
educational facilities for their children did not resemble the promised paradise
of communist justice. And both in the Soviet Union and in China, tyranny and
suppression of human rights had no boundaries. A government that was capable of
reaching heaven did not stop, both inside and outside, the mission of bringing
humanity to heaven on earth, and it became more and more obvious that this ship
did not reach the destination of heaven, but its captain, more and more than the
people, It requires the passing of economic, political and social rights, even
more than the countries that were supposed to be hell. As the realities of China
became more apparent, after the internal conflicts in the Cultural Revolution
and the crimes against humanity there, other extreme communist groups were
looking for their ideals in the small islands of communism in Albania and Cuba,
which also ended very soon. . Except for the small remnants of the Marxist
movement in countries like Iran, who still think that they are going to
implement Marx's original plan and build heaven on earth and not make the
mistakes of the Russians, Chinese, etc. Basically, Marxism, as a flag on the way
to justice, was no longer attractive several years before the Iranian
revolution, and all the past 38 years are considered a side current that is
limited to its survivors, who, because they do not have a clear vision today,
identify themselves with their past and Terms with the former suffix define
themselves. But rationalism and futurism beyond Marxism is gradually finding its
rightful place among Iranian intellectuals (8).
In fact, it is easier for religious viewpoints to say that the way to heaven was
not right and continue to pursue it, but it is very difficult for a
materialistic viewpoint to know that not only has heaven not been created on
earth, but hell has been created, and yet it can still use supernatural energy.
Have a wonderful way to continue. For this reason, many who were accustomed to
the Marxist point of view, when you talk to them about new social movements,
they answer that you don't really have an alternative way for justice. What they
mean is that they want a plan to reach heaven on earth, they want a utopia, and
when they don't see such a plan, they don't see much strength and energy in
themselves. The problem is not age, it is the perspective (9). The problem is
that they have abandoned Marxism, they are still materialists, and their ideal
is a plan to reach heaven. Anyway, these issues are not discussed here, and as
far as heaven on earth is concerned, if a better world emerges after the
singularity in 2045, the way to get there is not the same for every person and
even every society (10). That is to say, if a person wants to reach an advanced
country like America with an autocratic captain from ten backward countries in
Africa, it is possible, but the entire African society cannot be brought to the
level of America in this way. The false promise that Marxism made by discovering
the formula of heaven on earth, even if we have the best existing plan, will not
lead to a better society. Neither the programs of Western secularism in Turkey,
which had the form of a nationalist utopia and were supposed to reach modern
European societies without efforts for human rights and democratization of
society, nor the programs of Marxist communism in Cambodia, did not reach heaven
(11).
The growth of religious fundamentalists was actually the result of the last
efforts of the Marxist movement, after Cambodia and Vietnam, it became clear
that the path of China, the Soviet Union, and Cuba did not create a heaven on
earth, and the refugees from the hell that was created everywhere found the
reality of the communist hell. They called the seekers of a better world. In
such a situation, religious fundamentalists took up the flag of an extreme
solution for social justice. Other Marxist currents lost their attraction when
the truths of two centuries of their paradise were told to the people, and thus
the religious fundamentalists inherited the utopian plan that promised the
people both heaven on earth and heaven above.And he declared all modern
governments to be the tools of the capitalists for internal and global
oppression, and the tools of oppressing poor nations. Other religious
fundamentalists promised heaven not only above the sky but also on earth, and as
a result, no one could criticize them for being the opium of the masses.
Khomeini's rule of the oppressed was such a phenomenon and for nearly forty
years it has shown that there is neither heaven on earth nor heaven above the
sky, when even many Islamic clerics today describe it as against all their
ideals.
Meanwhile, the encouraging news about the nascent democratic and secular
movement of Iran is the fact that no one is looking for a utopia to pass through
the Islamic Republic (12). The new movement of the Iranian people, even those
who consider themselves socialists, like the movements of European countries in
the past two centuries, are looking for civil rights, both political and social
rights and economic rights, and they are not looking for any midwife who is
supposed to be their to a utopia. This movement is not looking for a class as
the savior of humanity, nor is it looking for a leader like Khomeini or Lenin
who is supposed to lead people to the promised paradise. The leaders of the new
Iranian movement are those who have focused on the acquisition of civil and
political rights. Others know that human rights are not only limited to the
rights that the government gives or does not give them, but also includes the
rights that they themselves give to each other. Even secularism and democracy
are not considered as a new form of a utopia, but in certain social, political,
and economic programs and demands in the civil and political movement of Iran
(13). Perhaps this is the biggest achievement of Iran's political movement not
only in the last 38 years but in the last 100 years that no one is looking for a
utopia anymore, whether they promise a paradise on earth or a paradise in the
sky!
Hoping for a democratic and secular futurist
republic in Iran,
Sam Ghandchi
IRANSCOPE
http://www.ghandchi.com/index2.html
February 1, 2017
* A part of this article was published eight years ago under the title "The Promise of Religious Fundamentalism: Heaven on Earth and in Heaven".
Footnotes:
1. Important Difference of Kant
and Our Reformists (in Persian)
http://www.ghandchi.com/1164-kant-vs-eslahtalabi-maa.htm
2.
FUTURIST IRAN: Futurism vs Terrorism
http://www.ghandchi.com/500-FuturistIranEng.htm
ایران آینده نگر: آینده نگری در برابر تروریسم
http://www.ghandchi.com/500-FuturistIran.htm
3. Metaphysics and Religion (in
Persian)
http://www.ghandchi.com/264-Metaphysics.htm
4.
Iran & Law: Virtue or Rights
http://www.ghandchi.com/295-Law.htm
قانون و ایران: فضیلت یا حقوق
http://www.ghandchi.com/295-ghAnoon.htm
5.
Power, Religion, and IRI Reformists
http://www.ghandchi.com/412-PowerReligionEng.htm
قدرت، مذهب، و اصلاح طلبان ج.ا.
http://www.ghandchi.com/412-PowerReligion.htm
6.
Marxist Thought & Monism
http://www.ghandchi.com/2055-MarxismEng.htm
اندیشه مارکسیستی و مونیسم -یکتا گرائی
http://www.ghandchi.com/2055-Marxism.htm
7.
Iran-Futurist Republic-Third Edition
http://www.ghandchi.com/411-FuturistRepublicEng.htm
ایران-جمهوری آینده نگر-ویرایش سوم
http://www.ghandchi.com/411-FuturistRepublic.htm
8.
Philosophical Reflection: Rationalism and Futurism,
First English Edition
http://www.ghandchi.com/4304-falsafe-english.htm
تأملی فلسفی: خردگرائی و آینده نگری
http://www.ghandchi.com/4304-falsafe.htm
9.
A Futurist Vision
http://www.ghandchi.com/401-FuturistVisionEng.htm
یک دیدگاه آینده نگر
http://www.ghandchi.com/401-FuturistVision.htm
10. Futurism and End of Death
(Interview in Persian)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CW81mhrFbBo
11.
Why Secularism Failed in Half of the World
http://www.ghandchi.com/639-WhySecularismFailedEng.htm
چرا سکولاریسم در نیمی از
جهان شکست خورد
http://www.ghandchi.com/639-WhySecularismFailed.htm
12. Useless Discussions about
Neo-Liberalism and the New Left (in Persian)
http://www.ghandchi.com/1294-neoliberalism-chapeno.htm
13.
Why Secularism Will Shape the Future of Iran (in Persian)
http://ghandchi.com/491-SecularismFuturism.htm
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Why Kolakowski is important for
the Future of Iran (In Persian)
http://www.ghandchi.com/1946-leszek-kolakowski.htm
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